How can the rise of the radical right be understood? The monsters’ arsenal: Their particular political projects are constituted by invoking specific combinations of the following ideologemes: nationalism, the people (largely in the ethnic rather than the popular sense) and/or the race, the traditional family, religion, traditional forms of identity; but also work, duty, order, and negative freedoms. This has to be made more visible. Let us not disempower ourselves through one-sided perspectives. The Italian Five Star Movement is completely different again. [6] Here there is a real danger of transitioning to an openly violent and fascistic culture. Relatively new authoritarians extended their crackdowns – Hungary, Turkey, the Philippines are a few examples. From violent words to violent deeds: The authoritarian and radical right fosters an open hostility towards parliamentarianism and parties, disparages democratic procedure, and contemptuously uses the parliament as a mere stage. In India, as many as 200 million women struck and demonstrated in the largest strike of all time. The 2019 coup against ... -tracing measures designed to prevent the spread of the virus against the need to protect civil liberties in strongly authoritarian countries. A continent wise Authoritarian countries list can be given as follows. Since its origin years ago, Authoritarian has been applied as a type of government in many countries. Crisis: Central to the current moment is the coincidence between an organic crisis of a specific, global mode of social production and reproduction (so-called neoliberal globalization) and the emergence, in the interregnum, of forms of authoritarianism as specific ways of working through this crisis and winning back or securing power. 13. This raises the possibility of authoritarian international law, designed to extend authoritarian rule across time and space. The result is—through deliberately staged “breaking of taboos”—an extension of the domain of the sayable. In the case of the downwardly mobile class fractions, we can even speak of a transition from uncertainty to manifest or imminent déclassement. • 26.8 percent of voters in Europe – more than one in four – cast their vote for an authoritarian populist party last time they voted in a national election. The following are a few theses (intended as a starting-point for further research)—developed not exclusively, although mainly, out of analyses of the US and Europe, and hence to be applied to other countries only with caution and further questions. : There have of course always been forms of authoritarian rule (cf. 25 in 2019, and is now classified as a flawed democracy. [Mario Candeias is the director of the Institute for Critical Social Analysis at the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung. Why now? • The combined support for left- and right-wing populist parties now equals the support for Social democratic par… Totalitarianism is an extreme version of authoritarianism. 55–73, . We live in the age of monsters. I’m the chair of the local Democratic Party in a Wisconsin county that Donald Trump won. 5. Indeed, countries switching to democratic rule experience a 20 percent increase in GDP over a 25-year period, compared to what would have happened had they remained authoritarian states, the researchers report. 9. Meanwhile, its alphabetical successor Norway steadily keeps up its high score streak, with 9.87 being the best example of a full democracy in 2019. Venezuela's Authoritarian President Maduro Continues Blockade Of U.S. Aid U.S. food and ... 2019 4:47 PM ET. Demirović, Alex, Autoritärer Populismus als neoliberale Krisenbewältigungsstrategie, in PROKLA, 2018, no.190, pp. The rights of minorities, women’s rights, and the right to form unions are the first to be attacked by the authoritarian and radical right. 6. Missed opportunities: An important factor contributing to the rise of the authoritarian and radical right is the limitation of social-democratic projects: a) of a post-neoliberal sort, in other words the redistribution of social wealth in a situation of very limited democratization, but above all with no reconstruction of the bases of production and reproduction (from Venezuela to Brazil), b) of a progressive neoliberal sort, in other words the preservation of (limited) freedoms and progressive gains, without intervention in the meteoric transformation of the economic structure, and without downward redistribution (social democracy, left-liberals, and sometimes Christian democracy in the North). We should recall that the political upheavals in the wake of the major crisis around 2011 (much earlier in Latin America) were in the first instance a dawn of hope transnationally for the Left. 2, www.zeitschrift-luxemburg.de/oh-gott-luxemburg-22014-zu-politischer-rel…. Marx’s 18th Brumaire), about which the Left has developed a rich corpus of theory. [3] Alex Demirovic', "Autorita"rer Populismus als neoliberale Krisenbewa"ltigungsstrategie", PROKLA, no. Bestimmungsversuche, Erkl,rungsmuster und Gegenstrategien, Berlin: RLS Materialien series, 2018, www.rosalux.de/publikation/id/39174/rechtspopulismus-radikale-rechte-fa…. All in all, it is a matter of removing the obstacles to capital accumulation in its harshest form (from “extreme energy” and an intensified economy of expropriation via giant infrastructure projects, through to the classic raising of the rate of exploitation, and the squeezing of all social and natural resources). As of 2017, a scant 38 percent were. Candeias, Mario, Rechtspopulismus, radikale Rechte, Faschisierung. To send this article to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org is added … The popularity of a type of government depends on how widely that government type is adopted or had been adopted across the world. Which were the key upwardly or downwardly mobile intermediate classes in Brazil, in India, or in the Philippines? Authoritarianism primarily differs from totalitarianism in that social and economic institutions exist that are not under governmental control. In Poland as well, in recent years hundreds of thousands have taken to the streets to defend women’s reproductive rights. Address the needs: There are myriad starting-points, but in concrete terms: whether it is the housing question, women’s rights, the ecological crisis, or organizing against the right, these campaigns connect mass mobilization with everyday organizing in a local place and the development of political structures and solidarity networks. : Balibar’s thesis about the importance of the “intermediate classes”—the class fractions with relative upward or downward mobility that enlist in such a project—ought to be considered with an eye to the new authoritarianism’s class basis. Canadians came out in full force after a Trudeau’s heritage minister suggested that the government should licence media outlets. 8. 15. Why Democrats Keep Losing Rural Counties Like Mine, Joe Biden’s Neera Tanden Pick Is Even Worse Than You Thought, The Supreme Court Wants to Revive a Doctrine That Would Paralyze Biden’s Administration, Comparing Biden's Administration Picks to Obama's Is Revealing, How to Celebrate Thanksgiving Without Erasing the Exploitation and Genocide of Native American People, Brazil Under Bolsonaro: Social Base, Agenda and Perspectives, Race, articulation and societies structured in dominance, Popular-democratic vs authoritarian populism: two ways of taking democracy seriously, Wir sollten uns nichts vormachen!» Interview über autoritäre Entwicklungen, die Krise der Demokratie und den Zusammenhang von kritischer Analyse und politischer Veränderung, www.zeitschrift-luxemburg.de/oh-gott-luxemburg-22014-zu-politischer-rel…, www.rosalux.de/publikation/id/39174/rechtspopulismus-radikale-rechte-fa…. We should compose many such new internationals. 11. Among the most authoritarian nations in the world are places like North Korea, Syria and Chad. Ambiguous Identities, London: Verso Books, 1988. Translated by Sam Langer and Marc Hiatt for Gegensatz Translation Collective.]. As if the chauvinistic right wanted once more to confirm how important an (intersectional) understanding of class, race, and gender is. If it is true that the radical right and “racist ideology [are] essentially inter-class”—not only in the sense of relatively upwardly or downwardly mobile class segments, but rather in connection with “an active negation” of class solidarity [2]—then the radical right (or, e.g., the AfD in particular) can also be grasped as constituting an inter-class alliance: between downwardly mobile wage-labourers, segments of skilled labour who have moved into the petite bourgeoisie and are threatened with further decline (and who thus attempt to defend their private homes and level of consumption), upwardly mobile entrepreneurial individualists, middle-class business-owning families placed under pressure by globalization, industries (e.g. Twitter. 2. A history written “from below” can elucidate this problem, and point to possibilities for action. As of 2017, a scant 38 percent were. The new authoritarianism can be read as an effort “to create from above an alliance between groups within the petit bourgeoisie and the working class, without the bourgeoisie having to make any material concessions. Sharing experiences, raising visibility, and experiencing solidarity in a practical way—these things are especially important for giving strength to those who have to work and survive politically in the “shrinking spaces” of an authoritarian and increasingly violent everyday life. 2 (“Oh Gott”). Schaffar, Wolfram, “Wir sollten uns nichts vormachen!» Interview über autoritäre Entwicklungen, die Krise der Demokratie und den Zusammenhang von kritischer Analyse und politischer Veränderung”, maldekstra, 2 July 2019, . When a nation adopts a type of government, the factors taken into consideration include the social and economic conditions of that country. (March 2019) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) ... enhance the control capacity and authority of a non-democratic regime In contrast to traditional governance practices in authoritarian countries, IT-backed authoritarianism lowers the necessity to resort to coercion to exert power. The object is complex, heterogeneous, and highly dynamic, and eludes unitary explanation or even definition. Broadly, an authoritarian regime can be simplistically characterized as extreme centralization of power compounded with the limitation of civil liberties. Like Vostok 2018, Centre 2019 placed an emphasis on airborne and air-mobile units as fast, rapidly deployable shock troops who could capture territory and decide a military campaign before the enemy brought its reserves into the theatre. These forms can be differentiated according to the position of each country within the global structures of valorization, according to the developments of capital accumulation and/or the global obstacles to the valorization of capital—the respective position of a national economy (and its crisis) provides clues to specific causes and contexts for determinate forms of authoritarianism in the respective country and/or to a typology of forms of rule. In general, this process operates via the disparagement of specific groups—but extends to the denial (at first discursive, then later real) of rights. 6. Who are the bearers? View HTML Send article to Kindle. 18. 3Open government is a new policy idea for authoritarian states and is now firmly on the policy agenda of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan). Facebook. A further point would be the following question: is a specific regime aiming at a hegemonic project, which (through populism) also wagers on the consensus of those it rules, or at the brutal dictatorship of a minority over the majority (including transitional and grey areas)? 27–42. Discursive Power: The authoritarian and radical right is also managing to effect an overturning of the world of discourse. Email . 305-345. According to Swedish research organization V-Dem, the number of democratic countries and regions stood at 87 in 2019, while the number of nondemocratic countries and regions came to 92. Armenia, Bahrain, Cambodia, China, Iran, Laos, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Vietnam, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Hungary, Poland, Russia, Turkey, Authoritarian Countries in Asia: Armenia, Bahrain, Cambodia, China, Iran, Laos, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Syria and Vietnam, Authoritarian Countries in Europe: Azerbaijan, Belarus, Hungary, Poland, Russia and Turkey. Elements are: 7. Now! Garcia, Ana, “Brazil Under Bolsonaro: Social Base, Agenda and Perspectives”, The Bullet, 15 April 2019, . In fact, some regimes—such as Ethiopia—appear to target both exit and voice. [4] This kind of mobilization is linked with a kind of imaginary empowerment of the subalterns. Individualism is often subjugated in favor of the ruling state’s interest, creating the image of oppression. Journalists played a key role in the April 2019 ouster of authoritarian president Abdelaziz Bouteflika in Algeria, not only by reporting on antigovernment protests but also by staging their own demonstrations when major news outlets failed to give due attention to the popular movement. The concept of fascism (as Walden Bello, for example, has argued) is certainly too broad; fully developed fascist regimes have probably not yet emerged. The contention of this post is that for many of the most effective authoritarian systems, controlling the thoughts of the ruled is secondary to shaping social cleavages in the population. This would also give clues as to the likely durability of a regime—a successful project of authoritarian hegemony will perhaps be less brutal than a kleptocratic tyranny, but also substantially more long-lasting, and associated with more profound and extensive structural transformations. The demand goes further, however, targeting a democratic, solidary mode of life within the everyday as well—because the extension of the sayable leads immediately to an extension of the domain of action, from expressions of hatred on social media and in everyday life, through to violent acts (“from below”), and lastly open repression (“from above”). As compared with democratic countries, authoritarians emphasize looser cooperation, negotiated settlements, and rules that reinforce regime survival. 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